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orderly system like a diamond and as strong as a diamond, but if the
diamond-cutter makes one false move all the stability of the crystal may
be shattered. In Czechoslovakia, it has already happened. The diamond is
falling to pieces. But it represents one organic component of the whole
socialistic camp. The diamond formed by World Socialism can also fall
to pieces and very rapidly too. Bad examples are highly infectious! If the
bourgeoisie triumphs in Czechoslovakia, do you really believe that
Hungary will not follow her example? We've already had one example of
this kind. There, too, everything started from this business of a human
face. Of course Rumania is already moving further and further from
Marxism. If there is the smallest change in Czechoslovakia, then the same
will happen in Poland and in the GDR. We've already had this experience
once. You know yourselves what kind of situation already exists in
Poland! And in the GDR - I won't even speak about that! The bourgeoisie
is already calling for compromise. That means removing the Berlin Wall.
Isn't that so? If that's done, the immature elements of the population will
all rush off into West Germany! Comrades, our revolutionary vigilance
must not be slackened. The frontiers must be kept under lock and key.
We must neither remove the wall, nor abolish censorship. Otherwise, you
know yourselves what will happen.'
The political deputy took a sip of water from somebody's flask and
then continued:
'Let's say for the sake of argument that some socialist countries break
away from the socialist partnership - the infection could quickly reach
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our own Baltic Republics like Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, where
bourgeois nationalism is still strong, as well as the Ukraine and
Byelorussia, especially their western parts, which are precisely those
adjoining Poland and Czechoslovakia. I won't elaborate further. You
yourselves understand perfectly well what might happen there.'
We answered him with cries of indignation. The chief of staff of the
3rd Battalion smiled foxily and then calmly asked, 'But when will it
happen, Comrade Lieutenant-Colonel? For a long time now we've been
ready to carry out our international duty.'
The political deputy was not confused by this new question, although
he himself, of course, had not the slightest idea of the answer.
'We must be ready for the moment!'
We all applauded the gallant political deputy for organising such a
successful improvised meeting.
Events were coming to a head. Everybody could plainly see that we
should be going in soon, but no one knew exactly when. Two days
previously there had been a secret order, for officers' eyes only,
concerning the formation of the Carpathian Front on the basis of one
tank, one air and two all-arms armies. Colonel-General Bisyarin was
appointed commander-in-chief.
The same day we learned of the movement of the 8th Guards Tank
Army from our front on to Polish territory. Our 38th Army, with which I
had taken part at the Dnieper exercises, was still in the Ukraine and
would probably enter Czechoslovakia from Soviet territory.
That day, we learned of the formation of the Central Front under the
command of Colonel-General Mayorov. The Central Front was deve-
loping in the GDR and Poland to the west of Krakow. It consisted of two
armies taken from the Baltic District and the 20th Guards Army of the
Group of Soviet Troops in Germany, in addition to which it had some
Polish and German divisions. Some of the Polish divisions were included
in our Carpathian Front. Apparently one further front had been developed
in Hungary, which was to consist of Soviet armies and Hungarian corps,
plus some Bulgarian units. But, at that time, we had no definite
information, we just guessed. Later I learned that a Southern Front had
indeed been developed on Hungarian territory, plus an operative group
called 'Balaton'. The Southern Front did not go into Czechoslovakia. It
only covered and protected the active group of troops. Only the 'Balaton'
group, which was more than an army and less than a front, actually
entered Czechoslovakia. As part of the Soviet forces, there were also
Bulgarian and Hungarian units in this group, as we used to say, in order
'to make up the furniture'.
And now the grains of wheat were really falling on to the ground.
We had already been standing in the forests for several months.
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There had been training, check-ups, command-staff training and general
training followed yet again by further checking of equipment. After more
time had elapsed, an order was issued concerning the creation of the
Danube High Command, to consist of the Central and Carpathian Fronts,
the 'Balaton' group and, as a fourth separate element, two airborne
divisions. For the first day of the operation, in order to ensure the success
of an airborne landing, five divisions of military transport aircraft were
put at the disposal of the Danube High Command.
Army General Pavlovskiy was appointed commander-in-chief, and his
command post was established somewhere in Poland.
Everything was ready, but the liberation still didn't start: somebody at
the top still had doubts about something, though there was really nothing
to have doubts about. If we invaded Czechoslovakia it might lead to
catastrophe for everybody including our own system, or on the other hand
maybe not ... If we did not invade Czechoslovakia, it would lead to
catastrophe for our system. There was no choice for the Soviet leadership.
The first alternative was obviously the better. To drag out the liberation
process was also impossible. The harvest could not wait.
Our regiment was ordered to stand to at 2300 hours. The order 'Now is
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